An 11th Hour Coalition

Critical elections were held in Cameroon October 7th, 2018 with the incumbent Paul Biya of the Cameroons People Democratic Movement facing eight (8) other opposition challengers.
The elections came at a particular time when the country is struggle to contain and pacify separatist actions in the Anglophone regions who are advocating for a breakaway state called Ambazonia.


Amongst the eight candidates challenging the incumbent (who has been 36 years in power) are:
Joshua Osih of the leading opposition party;
Mauric Kamto of the MRC party;
Akere Muna of the APP Party;
Franklin Ndifor of the MCNC party;
Serge Espoir Matoumba of PURS;
Garga Haman Adji of the ADD;
Adamou Ndam Njoya of the CDU; and above all
Cabral Libii of the Univers Party.

At the 11th hour (Friday October 5th) Akere Muna decided to withdraw his candidacy in order to weigh in behind Prof Maurice Kamto. This was in a bit to build a coalition that would the opposition a united front against the Incumbent Paul Biya. However, this coalition was not accepted by the election management body(ELECAM) siting the lack of legal provisions in the electoral code.

.

His only tool is racism: why Trump's bigoted tirade could be a vote winner

The president seems to regard divisive, nativist rhetoric as his best chance of staying in the White House. Analysts say he may be right

Trump’s vicious attacks on Ilhan Omar, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ayanna Pressley and Rashida Tlaib of Michigan, all women of colour, may be an example of a cynical and warped strategy for self-preservation. Photograph: Erin Scott/Reuters

It was foul and repugnant. But was it a vote winner?

Donald Trump’s bigoted tirade against four congresswoman of colour, telling them to “go back” to the countries they came from, prompted widespread revulsion – the comments “drip with racism,” said the Senate minority leader, Chuck Schumer – and yet will not necessarily damage his chances of reelection.

On the contrary, the US president seems to regard divisive and nativist rhetoric as his best chance of clinging on to the White House next year. And, analysts say, he may be right.

Ben Rhodes, a former national security adviser to Barack Obama, tweeted: “Trump launched his political brand 8 years ago saying the first African American President was born in Africa. It has always been about racism, and the fact that this has ever been a controversial thing to say is part of the problem.”

Trump is a minority president after winning 46% of the popular vote in 2016, less than Hillary Clinton’s 48%, only to prevail in the electoral college. All the signs of his nascent reelection campaign so far suggest that he hopes to repeat the trick in the key battleground states of Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin – all of which are have predominantly white populations.

From this perspective Trump’s vicious attacks on Ilhan Omar of Minnesota, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York, Ayanna Pressley of Massachusetts and Rashida Tlaib of Michigan, all women of colour, may be an example of a cynical and warped strategy for self-preservation.

Q&A

What did Trump say in his racist ‘go back’ tweets?

John Zogby, an opinion pollster and author, said: “You’d have to conclude anyone who gets to a position of leadership has a level of rationality: Kim Jong-un in North Korea and Saddam Hussein in Iraq knew enough not to start a nuclear war. Trump is a guy obsessed with winning and a guy who has demons. I have to assume there would be some sort of personal restraint if he thought this would harm him.”

'Go back home': Trump aims racist attack at Ocasio-Cortez and other congresswomen

Read more

From questioning Obama’s birthplace to calling for a Muslim ban to promising to build a border wall, Trump has found no racist dog whistle is too incendiary. In fact he has been egged on by a fervent base and never been held to account for his outrageous words or deeds.

Advertisement

Zogby said: “Going for the base has worked for him. Is he right? In a moral sense, it’s vile and reprehensible – ‘go back’ to your country is not a subtle, unconscious form of racism; that’s the real thing. But will it hurt him? I don’t know. If the election were held today, Trump would lose in a landslide. But the election is not today and the Democrats have only just begun to tear each other apart.”

Along with his hardcore support, Zogby noted, Trump will also point to a strong economy with low unemployment. “This time around the white middle class is arguably doing better. What do the Democrats have to offer? That is the question they will ask.”

Trump is breaking from every previous incumbent president in modern times by not even attempting to reach across the divide and broaden his coalition. He seems to be betting on turning out his mainly white, male, ageing and lower educated support in the places that matter to the electoral college. Immigration and border security is set to be the defining issue.

Ron Brownstein, a senior editor at the Atlantic, told CNN: “Under Trump, the Republican coalition has become overwhelmingly centered on the voters and the parts of the country that are most uneasy with demographic change.”

Brownstein cited research by the Public Religion Research Institute showing two in three Republicans say the growing number of immigrants threaten traditional American values and traditions, compared to six in 10 of the country overall saying that immigrants strengthen society.

Trump's attempt to win through divide and rule tactics offers an unflinching look into America’s soul

Trump is centering Republicans “primarily on the parts of the country that are least comfortable with all of these changes”, Brownstein added. “And everything we are seeing – from the wall, which is symbolic in its own way of standing against change –to these raids, to the openly racist tweets, is an acknowledgment of that. And what’s striking is how few Republicans, however much they may grumble privately, have been willing to stand up against this redefinition of the party.”

Indeed, the Republican response was muted with only a small number of current and former office holders stepping forward to condemn Trump’s behaviour. Many seem willing to ride this tiger into the 2020 contest.

3:50

'We will not be silenced': squad Democrats decry Trump attacks – video

Advertisement

At a joint press conference on Capitol Hill on Monday, the four Democratic congresswoman – dubbed “the squad” – vowed that they would not allow Trump’s predictable outbursts to distract them from addressing what they described his draconian, life-threatening and family-separating policies. But Trump’s tweets did deflect national attention from the mass round-ups and arrests of undocumented immigrants and uncomfortable images of the vice-president, Mike Pence, visiting overcrowded and unsanitary migrant detention facilities.

The latest major Trump resignations and firings

Read more

A common refrain in the age of Trump is: “This is not who we are”. A common riposte is to point to America’s long history of slavery, segregation and violence and contend, “This is exactly who we are”. The president’s attempt to win reelection through divide and rule tactics in 2020 is set to offer an unflinching look into America’s soul.

Kurt Bardella, a political commentator and former Republican congressional aide, said: “Since the moment Trump entered on the political scene questioning the first black president’s birthplace, his only tool is racism. Of course that’s going to continue in 2020. The American people have a simple choice: either you support racism or you don’t. We’re about to find out how racist America really is.”

The outcome should not be taken for granted. Michael Steele, the former chairperson of the Republican National Committee, said: “There are people out there who believe what Trump says. Before there was Trump they felt that way; all he has done is give manifestation to this feeling in public and political discourse.

“In the past they would have would not have been given the time of day but you have someone who has given voice to it, legitimised it. You have white nationalists applauding it and Republican leaders who are silent. That’s the space we’re in.”

According to Steele, Trump is motived by gut reaction rather than grand strategy. “I don’t put this in politics or a presidential election: this speaks to our history, how we look at each other, how we view people who are not from here and people who are from here. It’s a sad statement about the state of America that some of our political leaders are silent because they are afraid of Donald Trump.”

Source: https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2019/jul/15/trump-twitter-aoc-racist-rant-congress?CMP=share_btn_tw

The agony of flying in Africa

By
Ramathan Ggoobi

Delayed, cancelled, overbooked and overpriced flights are the new normal!

Kenya Airways irritates customer

“Africa rising”is a beautiful slogan. It was coined in December 2011 by The Economistto start a narrative that Africa was destined to follow in the footsteps of Asia, and generate rapid growth, raise household incomes, leading to emergence of middle class.
This narrative generated optimism in a continent that has almost always been presented using five metaphors; poverty, ignorance, disease, bad governments and wars.
Those who have interacted with me know I am a realist.I enjoy saying things as they are. Today, I am going to disappoint a few people – the eternal optimists about Africa. The believers in “Africa rising” narrative.Please stop sloganeering and talk about the real issues that are holding Africa back.
We need to understand why we Africans have failed to master the science of delivery. Why is Africa (or larger parts of Africa – to give a benefit of doubt to a few exceptions) synonymous with very high levels of inefficiency in service delivery?
In particular, why don’t we show signs of improvement? To borrow DambisaMoyo’s words,what renders Africa more incapable of joining the rest of the world in the 21^st Century?
Terrible service
Today I will not write a lot of economics and its failure on our continent. I will write about commonsense. Regular travelers in the region will understand better where I am coming from.
On several occasions,whenever I travel in Africa I silently agonise about the awful service I receive from several airlines that dominate the region’s airspace. I will also comment about the terrible service offered by airports in Africa.
It is in Africa where you book and pay for a ticket for a flight that is a month away, only to reachthe checkin point and the checkin agent tells you, with a straight face, “We are unable to check you in because the flight was over-booked. We shall put on you on the next available flight (often 5 hours away).”
After waiting for hours, in an airport without internet(WiFi) and where food and drinks are typically sold by a cafeteria whose monopoly power encouraged it to specialise in hiring the worst cooks on earth, you are checked in.
Then another shocker; airlines offer passengers ‘free boarding’passes for connecting flights without putting into consideration oncoming passengers that hold boarding passes indicating seats that have already been taken.
You enter the plane and your seat has already been taken! You seek to talk to the air hostess and she says, “Sorry, it seems the flight was overbooked.” Meaning? You get off the plane!!
Pilots rely on other aircrafts for weather updates
You go back to the uncomfortable seats in the gate and wait for another three hours. Finally, they put you on a plane and shortly after takeoff time, the flight captain announces how the mandatory paperwork (showing the weight and balance of the plane) has delayed because of system failure. It has to be prepared manually.
After a delay of thirty minutes, the pilot gets the plane in air.Then, they serve you expired food causing food poisoning. The horrible sandwiches are served by uncharacteristically (for aviation) visibly unhappy hostesses.
As you eat the terribly tasting sandwiches, your mind keeps thinking about the paperwork that was manually prepared. “Did they put the plane on a weighing scale?” it asks, literally thinking about safety.
Although there have been improvements, aviation infrastructure in Africa is thousands of miles away from what travellers elsewhere experience. A pilot at one of Europe’s top airlines recently blogged and narrated the ordeal they go through flying in Africa. “We often rely on other aircrafts in range to relay messages,” he wrote.
Lost baggage
Well, on arrival you endure the agony of the long queues at immigration points that are managed in un orderly manner; allowing individuals to overlap them
Then learn that your luggage was not put on the plane. You realise this after spending hours focusing your eyes on the baggage carousel hoping that one of the bags that resembles yours is actually yours.
Reality hits you when you remain alone at the belt and none of the three bags rotating around is yours. You seek help from the baggage reclaim office at one of the corners in the airport and the occupant casually tells you, “That’s the new normal at Kenya Airways. I really pity some of you who are still flying KQ.”
Whatever I have written here is not a movie script or satire. This is my own story, a story I have experienced on several occasions at the hands of African airlines, particularly Kenya Airways, known by its short code KQ.
I experienced this ordeal this week when I travelled to Arusha via Nairobi to present a paper titled, “Countering the Illusion of Big Solutions: How to Build an Economy from Below in East Africa in Hindsight of Current Global Context.”KQ could be one of the illusions we were discussing.
10 hours for a 1 hour journey!
It took me through a similar experience in April when I went to Mombasa, on the invitation of my friends the accountants, to present to them “The Changing Economic Landscape in Eastern Africa as an Emerging Frontier.”
It took me 9 hours to fly from Entebbe to Mombasa. At Entebbe we started our flights with a friend, a Professor, who was heading to Europe. He arrived before I got to Mombasa!
In September 2016, KQ made me endure 11 hours to travel from Entebbe to Dar es Salaam again via Nairobi. What is so painful is that they do this in spite of the ridiculously high rates they charge.
On average, it takes 8 to 10 hours to fly a journey that normally should take an hour or so. Everyone who travels knows there are delayed, cancelled, overbooked, and overpriced flights everywhere in the world. But at KQ it is the new normal.
At KQ workers behave as if they’re doing passengers a favour. They talk to passengers in a tone and demeanor that is more suitable in forestry or mining industry than aviation.
Disinterested supervisors
For the 8 hours I stayed in JKIA no supervisor or manager was available or willing to speak to several frustrated passengers. Many of the passengers were unable to connect their flights to Johannesburg, Brussels, Dubai, Istanbul, and Entebbe.
Only one lady, one Sheila Choge, probably deserves her job at KQ. She tried to help us by making frantic calls to disinterested supervisors and managers, many of whom were reportedly outside the airport – perhaps in Nairobi enjoying beer and nyamachoma.
KQ has been in the news for its huge losses and other struggles. It had the opportunity to become one of the region’s and global giants. It has dominated the East African routes over the years.
Annually, Ugandans give KQ about $8.5 million (Ushs. 30 billion). In return KQ gives us awful service characterised by delayed/cancelled flights, long hours of waiting at Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA) in Nairobi and other terribly facilitated airports.
That dominance is about to end. Personally, I have always used economics to justifiably argue against the revival of Uganda Airlines. As I sat in JKIA for 8 hours witnessing the level of inefficacy and no-care attitude exhibited in an industry that demands X-efficiency, I questioned my mind, “Can Uganda Airlines be worse than KQ? Is there any low that an airline can go?”
What others say
If KQ can stay in the market with all its inefficiencies, what will stop Uganda Airlines?I even started thinking funny things. May be the only low it can exhibit is if a pilot remembers they didn’t fuel the plane when its already airborne; akin to what matatu/taxi drivers do in Kampala!
When I tweeted about my experience with KQ, tens of my tweeps –most them ironically Kenyans — wondered what I was doing flying KQ.
A Kenyan friend tweeted, “My brother I am sorry for your travails… let me hasten to warn you to avoid KQ’s evil younger ‘brother’ Jambojet [a low cost subsidiary of KQ]. You ain’t seen nothing yet.”
“I met a former Kenyan airline official, now working with another airline, who told me he never flies KQ nor do his colleagues,” another tweet reads. Another one says, “Why do you fly KQ? You need a full therapy session everytime and even that does not help because you will be scarred for life!”
Yet this experience is not limited to KQ. Most airlines in Africa are not any different. Their flights are infrequent, expensive, and circuitous and their service is horrible. I think this should resurrect the arguments against the stubborn nationalism that makes Africans think they can fly planes when they cannot maintain clean pit latrines or grow enough potatoes.
Costly show of patriotism
We are seeking to assert ourselves by creating national airlines.This costly show of patriotism will continue to make Africa weaker, national economies will continue to experience self-inflicted financial and economic ruin.
At the risk of messing with regional diplomacy and individual emotions, I hazard the idea that as East Africa we will be better off pooling our national strengths together and revive the East African Airlines with each country specialising where they have strength
May be the Kenyans should pilot the planes, Ugandans manage the cabin crew (given our ever smiling faces and hospitality), Rwanda does the scheduling and time management (given their relatively higher level of discipline), and Tanzania manage the accounts and airport security.
This will also enable the region to invest in infrastructure(build large airports with sufficient aircraft maintenance facilities), train the personnel,and eliminate the protectionist legal barriers and high fees and taxes that make flying in the region circuitous and expensive. Most importantly it will enable us compete with global aviation giants.


http://www.sunrise.ug/opinions/201809/the-agony-of-flying-in-africa.html

Arrested and Extradited to Cameroon: How and under which Legal Framework

Sisikou Ayuk Tabe: Ambazonia Interim President

The erstwhile Interim President of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia was arrested in Abuja Nigeria on January 5th 2018. His whereabouts remained a mystery after sealed-lips from both the Nigerian and Cameroonian Governments.

The ice was finally broken on January 29th by the Cameroun's Minster of Communication that the leaders arrested in Nera hotel Nigeria were in their keeping. These came after a series of French media reports from France24 and later on TV5 Monde on their presence at the National Gendermarie head quarters in Yaounde (SED)

Isa Tchiroma Bakary: Cameroun's Communication Minister

Worth mentioning is the fact that, he did not indicate if they were extradited, deported and under which legal framework were they transferred to Yaounde. Most observers believe and think that, these leaders were already in Yaounde the same day that they were arrested.

The minster intimated that, they are in possession of 47 "terrorist" among them Sisikou Ayuk Tabe. But some critiques are worried of the fact that it took 3 weeks for this announcement to be made. thus breeding speculations that, there were behind the scene maneuverings, intimidation, bribes, threats etc

But tension still remians riveve in the Northwest and Southwest of Cameroon. In fact, there has been an upsurge in violence since the arrest of these leaders. about same time last year (January 17th 2017) Agbor Balla, Fontem Neba and other leaders of the outlawed consortium were also arrested with the pious hope that it will bring peace to the regions. Rather more people were radicalised and the violence increased. This is indicative to that fact that, the arrest of these keaders will not by any means end the struggle. But as often said, doing the same thing and expecting different results is madness and insanity combined.

In the days ahead, observers shall be waiting to see Ayuk Tabe appear in Court to defend the charges levied against him. Some critiques who questioned his resolve on the anglophone problem, now see a golden opportunity for him to be the "Anglophone Mandela". History is in the making.

Just like any movement, they can imprison people, but cannot imprison the idea. A free southern Cameroon is the ideology and the best the government can do is dialogue with the belligerent leaders and seek a long lasting solution.

The arrested leaders include:

1. Ayuk Tabe
2. Dr. Nfor Ngala Nfor,
3. Chairman of the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC)
4. Dr. Fidelis Nde Che,
5. Dr. Henry Kimeng
6. Prof. Awasum
7. Dr. Cornelius Kwanga
8. Mr. Tassang Wilfred
9. Barrister Eyambe Elias
10. Dr. Ojong Okongho and
11. Barrister Nalowa Bih.

Lets wait and see

Related:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=URYS6M9PSs4&feature=youtu.be
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A5-PIZ7QgeU

Proposition  to End the Political Crisis Rocking Southern Cameroon.

Protest in Bamenda, December 2016

The crisis that started last year (October 2016) initially as a Corporatist movement has metamorphosed into a political crisis. The causes of the crisis and the impact it’s having on the people cannot be belabored. It is of utmost important to be sincere and look for a long lasting solution that will address the Root Causes of the crisis. The present situation of southern Cameroon needs urgent action:

1. Internet shutdown for 93 days before and since September 29^th;
2. Killings of September 22^nd and October first;
3. Arbitrary arrest, Torture, extortion and maiming of Youths;
4. School shutdown (The start of the university school year in Southern Cameroon postponed to an indefinite date).

Dialogue is primordial to solve and prevent an arms struggle that look more likely now than ever before. Southern Cameroonians are aggrieved and have their backs to the wall.

A. Preconditions for Dialogue:

1. Unconditional and total release of all arrested;
2. Offer amnesty to all those on exile to return home for dialogue to begin;
3.  Justice for those who have been unjustly killed, maimed, rapped and all those missing must be accounted for;
4. De-militarize Southern Cameroons as a means of confidence building and a return to normalcy;
5.  The dialogue must take place in the presence of a third party. This is to ensure and guarantee a comprehensive dialogue and to ensure that resolutions arrived at, shall be implemented as agreed.

      B.Solving the Problem:

1. To ensure and guarantee the respect of our diversity, the constitution of Cameroon Must be revised to the pre 1972 era, which was made up of two equal states in a Federation. This will entail that the name of the country too has and must be changed to Federal Republic of Cameroon. Because as it stands, just the name “Republic of Cameroon” is an indication of Colonization, assimilation and a break in the union. Through this, a Union Treaty must be signed between these two people;
2. Acknowledge and respect the heritage of the two peoples of Cameroon by granting full autonomy to the people of southern Cameroons to manage and design their educational, legal, social, economic and cultural identity;
3. A rotational Presidency between the two peoples of Cameroon, in a presidential system made up of a president & vice and in no circumstances should both come from the same side of the divide;
4. Reduce the presidential term of office to 4 years, renewable once;
5. Officially apologize to the people of southern Cameroons for animalizing them (Dogs and Rats) and the inhumane treatment and sufferings they have been subjected to for 56 years.

Government Current Measures Cannot Bear Fruit: They Are Dilatory Tactic- Akere Muna

Barr. Akere T. Muna

On the matter of Common Law Magistrates and Judges: 

I have read that a Common Law section has been opened at the School of Magistracy and that exams will be scheduled. It is good that concrete solutions are being proposed, but we can and should go further than that. The above action will take at least four years to start producing results. The law does already provide us with a solution that that will produce almost immediate results and cause us to start conforming not only to the Common Law training but also to the Common law culture and tradition: Section 14 of Decree No. 2004/080 from the 13th of April 2004, lays down a procedure for lawyers and other categories of trained jurists to be integrated in to the Magistracy at different grades depending on their years of experience. This is the Common Law tradition.

Some lawyers with revered experience and with reputations for moral rectitude could be selected to become judges. Not only would this provide an almost immediate solution, but also, it would be applying the Common Law tradition whereby a large number of members of the judiciary are recruited from the private Bar. To date only one person seems to have benefited from this tradition. That is the late Chief SML Endeley who started out as a Barrister before becoming the Chief Justice of West Cameroon. A reminder of this fact was the strong showing of the Bar at his historic funeral in Buea.

In a country where there is a total lack of trust towards a government that is long on promises and short on delivery, there are many who do not see any of the proposed measures bearing fruit anytime soon. Instead, they are viewed as yet another ruse – another dilatory tactic. Decentralization is contained in the 1996 Constitution, and over twenty years later, the Regions yet have to elect a President. A measure that was promoted as the equivalent of a federation in 1996 has since 2004 been watered down to a structure in which elected officials are under the control of political appointees. Even in that watered down form, 13 years after, nothing has happened. I am afraid that in the present climate, any attempt at decentralization under the current legal framework will not address any of the substantial issues that are now being raised.

On the Matter of the Lost Academic Year: 

If all the measures outlined above implemented, to show the government’s good faith in addressing the issues at hand, further steps can then be taken to address the interrupted school year. Specifically, intensive courses could be offered over the long vacation, along with a special second session of all the exams that have been disrupted. The start of the next academic year may even be slightly delayed, but we would have gone a long way in making amends. I hear there is an African proverb which says “when an adult falls, he stand up looks back; and when a child falls, he stands up looks forward”. The way to peace, dialogue and unity cannot be paved by the arrogant use of power and retributive justice. Even after 27 years of suffering, Mandela harnessed the wrath of a downtrodden people, who had witnessed the subjugation and murder of their own by an imperious few on the basis of race. In this present juncture the powers that be, have to decide on which side of history they choose to take their place.

I will conclude with a few lines on the commission of Bilingualism and Multiculturalism. The biggest problem with policy nowadays is enforcement. Given this fact, anytime an institution is created with only advisory prerogatives, we might as well forget about the capacity of such an institution to be a tool to assist in the resolution of pressing issues. the committee will have to provide advice, which can be accepted or rejected. Even if such advice is acquiesced, it must be followed by policy development, which in turn would need to be implemented effectively. If we are taking over 21 years, and still counting, to implement settled constitutional provisions, we are kidding ourselves when we point to this commission as a solution to any of the current issues. If you add to this equation, the nature of its mandate, then we might just begin to understand the nature of the farce.

The time wasted weaving this web of division in which we unfortunately find ourselves distracts us from other seething issues that must be considered with the same amount of urgency.

First amongst these is the problems of the management of landed property in our country. The preamble of our constitution affirms "The state shall ensure the protection  of minorities and shall preserve the rights of indigenous populations in accordance with the law"; we should remember that according to article 65 of the same constitution, the preamble is part of the constitution.

The opacity in which the mining of minerals is managed in the Eastern Region of Cameroon in total absence of any discernable governance principles is saddening.  the consequence of this on the lives of the "indigenous population" will come to haunt us. The management of Lands in Kribi is not accompanied by any policy that is aimed at protecting the indigenous populations. The management of the returned land in Fako from the CDC to the rightful indigenous population is fraught with all manner of mismanagement. In the Extreme North a war is raging on perpetrated by a group of terrorists and bandits attempting to pass for religious fanatics. All international assessments have concluded that, the dire economic situation of the population has exposed them and they have fallen prey to the enticements and threats from these charlatans  who unsuccessfully try to hide under the cover of a respectable religion.

As we tread forward, we must be ignited again by the spirit of a time when our country was poised for true greatness and distinction, not in spite of our differences, but precisely because of them. A time when the synthesis of Anglophone and Francophone cultures meant that we would be able to draw on the best of both parts. A time when we were convinced that we would be more competitive on a global stage because we could do business in the world's major languages. A time when we knew that, even through our music, we would be able to appeal to many more. To borrow words from one of our founding fathers, Um Nyobe (also at a time when Cameroon was at crossroads), the first step in moving Cameroon forward is by actively combating tribalism, and creating a system that is based on the best each of us have to offer. It is time for better governance that is in tune with the ideas and solutions proposed by those who love this country, and not one that seeks to silence the voices that disagree with the status quo. It is never too late to do the right thing.

In Chinua Achebe's "Things Fall Apart", he makes a savvy use of proverbs from the Igbo people. One that comes to mind is: "the lizard that jumped from the high Iroko tree to the ground said, he would praise himself if no one else did". Like the lizard, some are marching all over the country, monopolizing the public media in self-praise, while everyone else watches in complete stupefaction. They see that the center can no longer hold because things are falling apart. However, it is not to late to change our course.

Barrister Akere T.Muna

Things Fall Apart. The center can no longer hold: By Barrister Akere Muna

Bar. Akere Muna, Legal Luminary

The measure takes so far are dilatory and cannot resolve that present Anglophone crisis. National healing is the way to start as Opined by Barrister Akere Muna. Read along↓↓↓↓↓

THINGS FALL APART

Turning and turning in the widening gyre;

The falcon cannot hear the falconer; 

Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold; 

Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world.

It is in these terms that Chinua Achebe starts his epic novel, Things Fall Apart, written in 1958. It is, in fact, an excerpt of the poem by W.B. Yates, “The Second Coming”. Chinua Achebe’s novel is more or less about the transition from colonial Nigeria to independence, viewed through the life of Okonkwo, an Igbo wrestler.

Cameroon is itself at the crossroads of a transition and, whether we accept it or not, the signs are glaring. A population, of which 70% is under 30 years and worried about its tomorrow, is slowly choking under the stranglehold of a group of oligarchs whose only worry is about today and their self-preservation, totally oblivious to the inevitable nature of change: that today is tomorrow’s yesterday, and tomorrow always comes. The scary fact is that, in less than a year, those who govern us have effectively leveraged the diversity of Cameroon into a tool divide our nation. By preventing citizens – Common Law lawyers and Anglophone teachers – from exercising the basic right to demonstrate which is enshrined in our Constitution, they set off a spark and today, months later, we find ourselves in a situation where things seem to be falling apart. We are now divided between secessionists, federalists and those seeking decentralization. We are divided between Francophones and Anglophones. We are divided between North Westerners and South Westerners. We are divided between Bamilekes and Betis. We are even divided between Ewondos, Bulus and Etons; between the Bamouns and the Bamilekes. The non-homogenous nature of regions makes them tailor ready for division. You find the Mbam in the Centre Region, the Bassa in the central region, people of the Sawa origin in the southern region, people of Sancho in the Menoua Western, and so on. Muslims and Christians in the north live together as one and seeds of discord are sown at convenience. The list goes on.

 

This is the delicate balance on which our country sits. If we are to survive and thrive, we must listen to each other and constantly engage in honest dialogue about the future of Cameroon. Any form of arrogance and reckless discrimination, regardless of the nature, instigator or perpetrator, can only threaten this delicate balance. The visit of the prelate from Douala who is the head of the Episcopal Conference was either ill-advised or ill-conceived, or maybe even both. So here we are; the church that was the rock and only survivor of this quagmire with the chance to be a moral voice and a strong mediator is now weakened by the perception that it too is now divided. The “Eglise Evangelique” has also gotten its taste of the virus of division favored by a climate in which we now tend to concentrate on what divides us than on what we have in common. The Bishop of Bafia was found dead on the shores of the River Sanaga, a couple of days after his car was found on the Ebebda Bridge over the Sanaga. The strange thesis of suicide was immediately proclaimed even before the body was found. Now it is clear from the declaration of the Episcopal Conference, that the venerated Bishop was the victim of a callous crime. So, whither are we bound? As regards what is now known as the “Anglophone Problem” (I always use this appellation with hesitation because I have never understood whether it means the Anglophones have a problem, or that Anglophones constitute a problem, and if so for whom?) certain measures have been announced as an answer to the complaints that were put forward by the teachers and lawyers.

The simple fact is that an academic year has been lost, lawyers are still on strike, many Anglophones have been forced to escape into exile and others remain in prison. Internet that was disconnected was brought back after 93 days and an outcry that was echoed over the whole world against such a collective form of punishment. We emerged from the saga with a world record of the longest-running Internet blackout – a record in which some have taken pride as proof of power, with some even expecting the deprived regions to feel grateful for the reconnection. Anglophone prelates from all the oldest churches of Cameroon (Baptist, Catholic and Presbyterian Churches) have now been dragged to court. An unfortunate atmosphere has been created in which being an Anglophone now constitutes the first indices of being a secessionist, a troublemaker or a potential terrorist. I speak with the certainty of one of those who have been so classified.

That is what it has come to, for those who worry for the country, seek equality equity and dialogue. That is what it has come to, a situation in which, when one makes concrete proposals after factual and reasoned analysis of the facts, one can be branded a potential enemy of the nation. If the ever-increasing trend of bad governance is not reversed very soon, we will wake up in a country that none of us recognize. The first step will be to reverse certain unfortunate results of the knee-jerk approach we have had in response to the outcry of our Cameroonian brothers and sisters. National healing is the primary guarantee for national dialogue. So what should we do to start the healing? On the Matter of Ongoing Criminal Proceedings: It is generally accepted that the release of all those arrested will boost the goodwill and pave the way to dialogue. The law actually allows for this.

As regards the detainees and the different trials going on in the Military Tribunal Regions as well in the courts in the Anglophone regions, against citizens, clerics and prelates, it is important to recall the provisions of Article 64 (1) of the Criminal Procedure Code which states: “The Procureur General of a Court of Appeal may, by express authority of the Ministry in Charge of Justice, enter a nolle prosequi, at any stage before judgment on the merits is delivered, if such proceedings could seriously imperil social interest or public order.” This provision of the law describes the exact situation we are in. It is applicable to the ordinary courts. An equivalent provision exists for the proceedings instituted before the Military Jurisdictions. This is section 12 of the Law No.2008 of December 2008 Organizing Military Justice Anyone talking about peace and reconciliation in good faith should immediately resort to these provision, to put a halt to the current situation, which is accelerating the country’s glide towards division and conflict. I remember assisting my brother, Batonnier Bernard Muna, in drafting the Amnesty Law that was proposed to the then Secretary General of the Presidency of the Republic of Cameroon, Mr. Sadou Hayatou, for the attention of the Head of State. It was sent to Parliament and adopted in the interest of peace and reconciliation. A telex message was even sent from the Presidency congratulating Bernard for his patriotic spirit. Today, here we are, Cameroonians, asking for this.

International organisations and NGOs have joined the chorus. We should heed these calls and save our nation from further division. Those who sought refuge in arrogance and repression must certainly realize that this is choking the country.

By Akere Muna

To be continued

Prof.  Willibroad Dze-Ngwa Speaks about the Anglophone problem

Prof. Willibroad Dze-Ngwa
Uni Y'de1

An interview conducted by the post newspaper on the present Anglophone crisis.

Prof Willibroad Dze-Ngwa, a historian, maintains that marginalisation of Anglophones in Cameroon is a burning issue that should be urgently addressed to guarantee peace.

In an exclusive interview with The Post, the Yaounde University I lecturer says any intellectual who claims that the Anglophone problem does not exist is a pseudo-intellectual.

Excerpts:

QUESTION.

The Post: There is the build up to the anniversary of the independence of Southern Cameroons, on Saturday, October 1, and there is always this argument about the Anglophone problem. Some intellectuals say there is no Anglophone problem. What is your take on this?

RESPONSE

Prof. Willibroad Dze-Ngwa: Well, I think it would be foolhardy to say there is no Anglophone problem in the first instance. When we are talking about Anglophone problem, we are talking about a constitutional issue and it is verifiable. It is very much documented and any intellectual who contests the existence of this issue should be a pseudo-intellectual.

Genuine intellectuals have the responsibility to clearly identify problems and provide solutions to, rather than bury their heads under greed and attempt to refuse the existence of a burning crisis in our fatherland, like the Anglophone problem.

QUESTION

What then is the Anglophone problem?

RESPONSE

It is a problem of two people who came together based on well-defined terms, but one is used today as photocopy and another as an authentic Cameroonian in every sense of the word. It is not just an issue of language.

It is an issue of culture, an issue of an educational system, an issue of a legal system, all of these put together which are being trampled upon in total disagreement or disregard of the clauses that brought these two entities together. These two territories of British Southern Cameroons and French Cameroun were autonomous and internationally recognised by the United Nations as separate entities.

Before reunification, they were each well constituted each with a Prime Minister, a Government, a Parliament, a population, a territory and, what have you? These people came together with a determined will to move on as equals in a reunified Cameroon, despite differences in educational systems; legal systems, and so on.

But, today, there is total erosion and breakdown of the basic canons which brought these two people together. An Anglophone is considered in Cameroon today as an afterthought in every sense of the word, no matter what positions they may occupy.

QUESTION

You say it is an educational, legal and constitutional problem; could you cite certain examples so as to elucidate your claims?

RESPONSE

Take a recent issue where we had newly registered students of the University of Yaounde I protesting that the simple orientation to get them register in the university is done in one language, French. There are newspaper articles of disgruntled Anglophone students petitioning the Minister of Higher Education to cancel the entrance examination into the Higher Teacher Training College (ENS) of Maroua, because, the questions were not translated into English.

Worst; the students in Buea were intimidated to submission when they tried to raise their voices. How can we be talking about internal cohesion, yet openly favouring one group of Cameroonians against others? Why should all the questions be in French, whereas they were also English-speaking candidates? When they tried to raise their hands to say we need a paper in English, instead of apologising, the invigilators shouted at them. Today, we talk about “harmonisation” which is a way of assimilating, a way of putting aside all the strong values of the Anglo-Saxon system.

It seems as though, the more people talk about this, the more there is a determination to crush the people. And it is regrettable to see this happening with impunity when we are talking about internal cohesion, when we want to hold back violent extremisms and build peace. I am strongly convinced that in-as-much as there is generalised hardship in Cameroon; the Anglophones have suffered from exaggerated social injustice.

When I say Anglophones, I am referring to those who originate from the Northwest and Southwest Regions of this country, even if they do not speak English. Anyone who refutes the existence of such a glaring problem and would not rather propose lasting solutions to it is simply unpatriotic.

QUESTION

As an academic product of this system, did you have some personal frustrations about what you call the Marginalisation of Anglophones?

RESPONSE

If I started harping on my personal frustrations or challenges, it might not be helping this issue. I rather want to use the challenges to propose long lasting solutions for effective internal cohesion in this country. It was my frustrations in the 90s in this Yaounde University that propelled me to be engaged in peace-building and policy research. Let me say that, prior to my University education, I had always considered myself as a free-born Cameroonian. It was only when I got registered in the University of Yaounde that I knew I was different and overtly treated as such.

I should say that I am one of the first Cameroonians who effectively did research work on the “Anglophone problem in Cameroon: a historical perspective from 1916 to 1995.” That was my Masters Degree dissertation defended some 20 years ago, although some top varsity dons copied portions of my work and published without any intellectual honesty of ever citing me and my work. Somewhere along the line and with keen determination to promote internal cohesion, concord and harmony among the diverse peoples of Cameroon, I moved on to do another work for a PhD “National Unity and National Integration in Cameroon: Dreams and Realities”.

This second work highlights not only the Anglophone problem which is a burning national issue, but some other crises and conflicts which need to be handled. Yes, I have suffered from enormous rejection and discrimination, because of the language I speak.

If you insist to have one: I was the only lecturer in the Department of History who had no office, not even a chair to sit on, six years after I was recruited. The paradox is that even my position as President of all African Researchers in comparative education and member of the publications standing committee of the World Council of Education, did not change anything.

Even when I organised an international conference which brought honour to my University, I had to be too busy so as not to take my foreign colleagues to my office, of course, because I had no office.

Like I said, my challenges rather propelled me into what I like doing best, peace-building in order to make a contribution in correcting the wrongs through research and publications.

QUESTION

Any other example?

RESPONSE

Anglophones generally suffer from same frustrations everywhere; although some pretend to be fine in public, but complain bitterly in private against the status quo. That is simply cowardice, hypocrisy and being unpatriotic.

Take another glaring example of sheer bad faith and outright discrimination of Anglophones in the University of Yaounde I.

Its administration, for the very first time since its creation, does not reflect the bilingual nature of the country.

All the top administrative positions in that university, from the rector, three vice rectors, directors, are all Francophones. Even if you look at the Deanery of the Faculty of Arts, you’ll see that the Dean and all the Vice Deans are all Francophones.

Does this mean that, for the past several years, there is no Anglophone Cameroonian who is competent enough to even assume any of these positions? In the yesteryears, the Anglophones always had a Vice Rector or a Rector or Dean or Vice Dean, but the more we talk now, the more our listeners become deaf and dumb.

In the Bamenda University, more than half of those who assume the top positions are Francophones who do not even master the Anglo-Saxon management principles and, of course, make Bamenda University a shadow of an Anglo-Saxon University.

QUESTION

What is your opinion about the SCNC?

RESPONSE

I think like disgruntled people all over the world, they are using what they have to attract attention. It is important that they should be listened to. They are not a bunch of stupid, mad people who have nothing to do. They are Cameroonians who are genuinely asking to be recognised as such. The Government is aware of what these people are clamouring for.

If you say the SCNC is asking for secession, I would ask you this question: Who are the SCNC? The SCNC, I should say with all fairness, whether people like it or not, are all Cameroonians who come from the Northwest and Southwest Regions, whether they identify themselves with it or not.

This view is historical, because, SCNC stems from the AAC I and AAC II (All Anglophone Conferences) which held in Buea and Bamenda, respectively). It was because the resolutions and constitutional proposals made during these conferences were not respected that pushed them to extreme views.

I am not comfortable with any extreme tendencies from any party whosoever. We have two extreme tendencies: the Government of the day is exercising extreme tendencies by not making enough efforts to dialogue with the SCNC, the SCNC, on the other hand, are at another extreme. These two extremist positions could be bridged through social dialogue. I am convinced that there is no crisis that cannot be resolved among Cameroonians, if there is political will.

You talked about values; it looks like you are going back to the apron strings of the colonial masters to articulate the Anglophone problem, because we are talking about values that are coming from the UK and France?

I don’t want to look at it solely from the strings of the colonial legacies. I am talking about a people considered today as those from the Northwest and Southwest Regions. History has shown that the people who come from these regions, irrespective of the language they speak, have been marginalised beyond reason.

Truly, they are not the only marginalised people in Cameroon, but the English language and geography has been the main determinant of their plight. We should not shy away from the colonial heritage, for it is because of the colonial values that we inherited that the people are differentiated.

I think it is nonsense, in my appreciation, to think that we have gone a long way so we can forget about our colonial past. Why should one group forget about their colonial past while another upholds and imposes its own on the others? This is assimilation, pure and simple.

QUESTION

One politician likened secession in this context to a grown up adult going back to the mother’s womb?

RESPONSE

Well, we want to remain academic and I think that in academics we want to discuss issues based on facts and figures. We can play politics but it is dangerous to continuously play politics over the lives of a disgruntled people. We absolutely want a situation where there should be a national dialogue on this issue because there are many things which are not going right.

Sometimes when I watch political programmes over the television, I see the representative of the MDC party always struggling to address the Anglophones in some language which is everything, but English.

Listen to some informative micro programmes on radio from some ministerial departments like the Ministry of Scientific Research and Innovations, the Ministry of Basic Education, just to name a few.

You get Francophones presenting important information meant for the Anglophone public in some language between pidgin, English and French. The question is; are there no Anglophones in these various ministries who can speak and articulate the policies of these ministries in the English language? You can, as well, listen to the programmes.

QUESTION

Those who are refusing to heed the call for dialogue with the SCNC say Southern Cameroons was never an independent State before the process of reunification began, that the Anglophone problem can never be a problem of the statehood of Southern Cameroons…?

RESPONSE

These people are right and wrong. They are right when they say Southern Cameroons was not an independent State before the process of reunification. They are equally right when they recognise that the Anglophone problem exists. The issue now is how to deal with a problem that we created through bad faith, constitutional manipulation and intimidation. Even the terms upon which reunification was based have never been respected.

Well, when we start arguing with glaring blindness, we are like saying ‘do what you want to do’. When a dissatisfied people are pushed to the wall, we should expect what the SCNC are doing and we should expect extremist tendencies.

Every crying child needs some attention. Like in my other research and recommendations, I will never stop calling on authorities and SCNC activists to look for a middle point. I know there are some top-notch Anglophones who, in public, pretend to challenge and want to deny the existence of this problem, but in private will give you tons of documents and grievances to justify the Anglophone problem.

Many Francophones understand the problem and articulate it very well. May be I should pay homage to this huge fallen hero, Saidou Sule, who manifested exemplary patriotism in tackling this issue, although from the Bamoun Kingdom.

I don’t think that there is any politician in Cameroon who is genuinely interested in the Anglophone problem which, I think, is worst than Boko Haram. It should not be allowed to degenerate.

QUESTION

As a peace crusader and political scientist, if you are given the opportunity to talk to the President about this Anglophone problem, what will you tell him?

RESPONSE

I will tell the President and all patriotic Cameroonians that many errors have been committed and to rectify the errors is not a sign of weakness. It is rather a sign of wisdom and inclusiveness.

I’ll call on the President of the Republic to realise that the Anglophone problem is truly a burden and that there should be social justice in terms of power positioning, representation in governance, respecting the cultural heritage of these people, in terms of developmental projects for this country, in terms of usage of the language itself.

The President should be a true unifying factor. Cameroonians look up to the Head of State and if he takes a decision in the right direction, it is going to trickle down to the greatest majority. Talking about the language, I expect the President to come out from the Unity Palace, I want to insist on the word Unity Palace and speak to Cameroonians in English and French.

We need a national dialogue to tackle the Anglophone problem and other burning issues in the country like corruption, unemployment, negative ethnicity, insecurity, among others.

QUESTION

What advice do you have for SCNC activists who are being arrested every day, bastardised, locked up and tortured because they are fighting for this course?

RESPONSE

I would rather advise all the stakeholders in this business: the SCNC activities, the government and the international community. To the activists, I will strongly advise them to steer clear from any extremist tendencies and hold tight to their philosophy of the force of argument and not the argument of force, but then, I fully understand that they want to make their voices heard.

To the Government and leadership of this country, including all politicians, I will remind them that this problem will not end soon if it is not tackled from the roots. Cameroonians should feel Cameroonians no matter where they come from. We need genuine dialogue before it is too late.

I call on all politicians, especially the politicians who originate from the Anglophone Regions to hold this problem as one major issue to articulate because, if not, we are going to have a replay of the same scenario for long.

I think the lawyers are doing a great job by deciding to use facts and figures to defend a course and a people. I have only one country, Cameroon; we must all weave and plant seeds of peace based on social justice.

Interviewed By Yerima Kini Nsom