Proposition  to End the Political Crisis Rocking Southern Cameroon.

Protest in Bamenda, December 2016

The crisis that started last year (October 2016) initially as a Corporatist movement has metamorphosed into a political crisis. The causes of the crisis and the impact it’s having on the people cannot be belabored. It is of utmost important to be sincere and look for a long lasting solution that will address the Root Causes of the crisis. The present situation of southern Cameroon needs urgent action:

1. Internet shutdown for 93 days before and since September 29^th;
2. Killings of September 22^nd and October first;
3. Arbitrary arrest, Torture, extortion and maiming of Youths;
4. School shutdown (The start of the university school year in Southern Cameroon postponed to an indefinite date).

Dialogue is primordial to solve and prevent an arms struggle that look more likely now than ever before. Southern Cameroonians are aggrieved and have their backs to the wall.

A. Preconditions for Dialogue:

1. Unconditional and total release of all arrested;
2. Offer amnesty to all those on exile to return home for dialogue to begin;
3.  Justice for those who have been unjustly killed, maimed, rapped and all those missing must be accounted for;
4. De-militarize Southern Cameroons as a means of confidence building and a return to normalcy;
5.  The dialogue must take place in the presence of a third party. This is to ensure and guarantee a comprehensive dialogue and to ensure that resolutions arrived at, shall be implemented as agreed.

      B.Solving the Problem:

1. To ensure and guarantee the respect of our diversity, the constitution of Cameroon Must be revised to the pre 1972 era, which was made up of two equal states in a Federation. This will entail that the name of the country too has and must be changed to Federal Republic of Cameroon. Because as it stands, just the name “Republic of Cameroon” is an indication of Colonization, assimilation and a break in the union. Through this, a Union Treaty must be signed between these two people;
2. Acknowledge and respect the heritage of the two peoples of Cameroon by granting full autonomy to the people of southern Cameroons to manage and design their educational, legal, social, economic and cultural identity;
3. A rotational Presidency between the two peoples of Cameroon, in a presidential system made up of a president & vice and in no circumstances should both come from the same side of the divide;
4. Reduce the presidential term of office to 4 years, renewable once;
5. Officially apologize to the people of southern Cameroons for animalizing them (Dogs and Rats) and the inhumane treatment and sufferings they have been subjected to for 56 years.

Government Current Measures Cannot Bear Fruit: They Are Dilatory Tactic- Akere Muna

Barr. Akere T. Muna

On the matter of Common Law Magistrates and Judges: 

I have read that a Common Law section has been opened at the School of Magistracy and that exams will be scheduled. It is good that concrete solutions are being proposed, but we can and should go further than that. The above action will take at least four years to start producing results. The law does already provide us with a solution that that will produce almost immediate results and cause us to start conforming not only to the Common Law training but also to the Common law culture and tradition: Section 14 of Decree No. 2004/080 from the 13th of April 2004, lays down a procedure for lawyers and other categories of trained jurists to be integrated in to the Magistracy at different grades depending on their years of experience. This is the Common Law tradition.

Some lawyers with revered experience and with reputations for moral rectitude could be selected to become judges. Not only would this provide an almost immediate solution, but also, it would be applying the Common Law tradition whereby a large number of members of the judiciary are recruited from the private Bar. To date only one person seems to have benefited from this tradition. That is the late Chief SML Endeley who started out as a Barrister before becoming the Chief Justice of West Cameroon. A reminder of this fact was the strong showing of the Bar at his historic funeral in Buea.

In a country where there is a total lack of trust towards a government that is long on promises and short on delivery, there are many who do not see any of the proposed measures bearing fruit anytime soon. Instead, they are viewed as yet another ruse – another dilatory tactic. Decentralization is contained in the 1996 Constitution, and over twenty years later, the Regions yet have to elect a President. A measure that was promoted as the equivalent of a federation in 1996 has since 2004 been watered down to a structure in which elected officials are under the control of political appointees. Even in that watered down form, 13 years after, nothing has happened. I am afraid that in the present climate, any attempt at decentralization under the current legal framework will not address any of the substantial issues that are now being raised.

On the Matter of the Lost Academic Year: 

If all the measures outlined above implemented, to show the government’s good faith in addressing the issues at hand, further steps can then be taken to address the interrupted school year. Specifically, intensive courses could be offered over the long vacation, along with a special second session of all the exams that have been disrupted. The start of the next academic year may even be slightly delayed, but we would have gone a long way in making amends. I hear there is an African proverb which says “when an adult falls, he stand up looks back; and when a child falls, he stands up looks forward”. The way to peace, dialogue and unity cannot be paved by the arrogant use of power and retributive justice. Even after 27 years of suffering, Mandela harnessed the wrath of a downtrodden people, who had witnessed the subjugation and murder of their own by an imperious few on the basis of race. In this present juncture the powers that be, have to decide on which side of history they choose to take their place.

I will conclude with a few lines on the commission of Bilingualism and Multiculturalism. The biggest problem with policy nowadays is enforcement. Given this fact, anytime an institution is created with only advisory prerogatives, we might as well forget about the capacity of such an institution to be a tool to assist in the resolution of pressing issues. the committee will have to provide advice, which can be accepted or rejected. Even if such advice is acquiesced, it must be followed by policy development, which in turn would need to be implemented effectively. If we are taking over 21 years, and still counting, to implement settled constitutional provisions, we are kidding ourselves when we point to this commission as a solution to any of the current issues. If you add to this equation, the nature of its mandate, then we might just begin to understand the nature of the farce.

The time wasted weaving this web of division in which we unfortunately find ourselves distracts us from other seething issues that must be considered with the same amount of urgency.

First amongst these is the problems of the management of landed property in our country. The preamble of our constitution affirms "The state shall ensure the protection  of minorities and shall preserve the rights of indigenous populations in accordance with the law"; we should remember that according to article 65 of the same constitution, the preamble is part of the constitution.

The opacity in which the mining of minerals is managed in the Eastern Region of Cameroon in total absence of any discernable governance principles is saddening.  the consequence of this on the lives of the "indigenous population" will come to haunt us. The management of Lands in Kribi is not accompanied by any policy that is aimed at protecting the indigenous populations. The management of the returned land in Fako from the CDC to the rightful indigenous population is fraught with all manner of mismanagement. In the Extreme North a war is raging on perpetrated by a group of terrorists and bandits attempting to pass for religious fanatics. All international assessments have concluded that, the dire economic situation of the population has exposed them and they have fallen prey to the enticements and threats from these charlatans  who unsuccessfully try to hide under the cover of a respectable religion.

As we tread forward, we must be ignited again by the spirit of a time when our country was poised for true greatness and distinction, not in spite of our differences, but precisely because of them. A time when the synthesis of Anglophone and Francophone cultures meant that we would be able to draw on the best of both parts. A time when we were convinced that we would be more competitive on a global stage because we could do business in the world's major languages. A time when we knew that, even through our music, we would be able to appeal to many more. To borrow words from one of our founding fathers, Um Nyobe (also at a time when Cameroon was at crossroads), the first step in moving Cameroon forward is by actively combating tribalism, and creating a system that is based on the best each of us have to offer. It is time for better governance that is in tune with the ideas and solutions proposed by those who love this country, and not one that seeks to silence the voices that disagree with the status quo. It is never too late to do the right thing.

In Chinua Achebe's "Things Fall Apart", he makes a savvy use of proverbs from the Igbo people. One that comes to mind is: "the lizard that jumped from the high Iroko tree to the ground said, he would praise himself if no one else did". Like the lizard, some are marching all over the country, monopolizing the public media in self-praise, while everyone else watches in complete stupefaction. They see that the center can no longer hold because things are falling apart. However, it is not to late to change our course.

Barrister Akere T.Muna

Things Fall Apart. The center can no longer hold: By Barrister Akere Muna

Bar. Akere Muna, Legal Luminary

The measure takes so far are dilatory and cannot resolve that present Anglophone crisis. National healing is the way to start as Opined by Barrister Akere Muna. Read along↓↓↓↓↓

THINGS FALL APART

Turning and turning in the widening gyre;

The falcon cannot hear the falconer; 

Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold; 

Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world.

It is in these terms that Chinua Achebe starts his epic novel, Things Fall Apart, written in 1958. It is, in fact, an excerpt of the poem by W.B. Yates, “The Second Coming”. Chinua Achebe’s novel is more or less about the transition from colonial Nigeria to independence, viewed through the life of Okonkwo, an Igbo wrestler.

Cameroon is itself at the crossroads of a transition and, whether we accept it or not, the signs are glaring. A population, of which 70% is under 30 years and worried about its tomorrow, is slowly choking under the stranglehold of a group of oligarchs whose only worry is about today and their self-preservation, totally oblivious to the inevitable nature of change: that today is tomorrow’s yesterday, and tomorrow always comes. The scary fact is that, in less than a year, those who govern us have effectively leveraged the diversity of Cameroon into a tool divide our nation. By preventing citizens – Common Law lawyers and Anglophone teachers – from exercising the basic right to demonstrate which is enshrined in our Constitution, they set off a spark and today, months later, we find ourselves in a situation where things seem to be falling apart. We are now divided between secessionists, federalists and those seeking decentralization. We are divided between Francophones and Anglophones. We are divided between North Westerners and South Westerners. We are divided between Bamilekes and Betis. We are even divided between Ewondos, Bulus and Etons; between the Bamouns and the Bamilekes. The non-homogenous nature of regions makes them tailor ready for division. You find the Mbam in the Centre Region, the Bassa in the central region, people of the Sawa origin in the southern region, people of Sancho in the Menoua Western, and so on. Muslims and Christians in the north live together as one and seeds of discord are sown at convenience. The list goes on.

 

This is the delicate balance on which our country sits. If we are to survive and thrive, we must listen to each other and constantly engage in honest dialogue about the future of Cameroon. Any form of arrogance and reckless discrimination, regardless of the nature, instigator or perpetrator, can only threaten this delicate balance. The visit of the prelate from Douala who is the head of the Episcopal Conference was either ill-advised or ill-conceived, or maybe even both. So here we are; the church that was the rock and only survivor of this quagmire with the chance to be a moral voice and a strong mediator is now weakened by the perception that it too is now divided. The “Eglise Evangelique” has also gotten its taste of the virus of division favored by a climate in which we now tend to concentrate on what divides us than on what we have in common. The Bishop of Bafia was found dead on the shores of the River Sanaga, a couple of days after his car was found on the Ebebda Bridge over the Sanaga. The strange thesis of suicide was immediately proclaimed even before the body was found. Now it is clear from the declaration of the Episcopal Conference, that the venerated Bishop was the victim of a callous crime. So, whither are we bound? As regards what is now known as the “Anglophone Problem” (I always use this appellation with hesitation because I have never understood whether it means the Anglophones have a problem, or that Anglophones constitute a problem, and if so for whom?) certain measures have been announced as an answer to the complaints that were put forward by the teachers and lawyers.

The simple fact is that an academic year has been lost, lawyers are still on strike, many Anglophones have been forced to escape into exile and others remain in prison. Internet that was disconnected was brought back after 93 days and an outcry that was echoed over the whole world against such a collective form of punishment. We emerged from the saga with a world record of the longest-running Internet blackout – a record in which some have taken pride as proof of power, with some even expecting the deprived regions to feel grateful for the reconnection. Anglophone prelates from all the oldest churches of Cameroon (Baptist, Catholic and Presbyterian Churches) have now been dragged to court. An unfortunate atmosphere has been created in which being an Anglophone now constitutes the first indices of being a secessionist, a troublemaker or a potential terrorist. I speak with the certainty of one of those who have been so classified.

That is what it has come to, for those who worry for the country, seek equality equity and dialogue. That is what it has come to, a situation in which, when one makes concrete proposals after factual and reasoned analysis of the facts, one can be branded a potential enemy of the nation. If the ever-increasing trend of bad governance is not reversed very soon, we will wake up in a country that none of us recognize. The first step will be to reverse certain unfortunate results of the knee-jerk approach we have had in response to the outcry of our Cameroonian brothers and sisters. National healing is the primary guarantee for national dialogue. So what should we do to start the healing? On the Matter of Ongoing Criminal Proceedings: It is generally accepted that the release of all those arrested will boost the goodwill and pave the way to dialogue. The law actually allows for this.

As regards the detainees and the different trials going on in the Military Tribunal Regions as well in the courts in the Anglophone regions, against citizens, clerics and prelates, it is important to recall the provisions of Article 64 (1) of the Criminal Procedure Code which states: “The Procureur General of a Court of Appeal may, by express authority of the Ministry in Charge of Justice, enter a nolle prosequi, at any stage before judgment on the merits is delivered, if such proceedings could seriously imperil social interest or public order.” This provision of the law describes the exact situation we are in. It is applicable to the ordinary courts. An equivalent provision exists for the proceedings instituted before the Military Jurisdictions. This is section 12 of the Law No.2008 of December 2008 Organizing Military Justice Anyone talking about peace and reconciliation in good faith should immediately resort to these provision, to put a halt to the current situation, which is accelerating the country’s glide towards division and conflict. I remember assisting my brother, Batonnier Bernard Muna, in drafting the Amnesty Law that was proposed to the then Secretary General of the Presidency of the Republic of Cameroon, Mr. Sadou Hayatou, for the attention of the Head of State. It was sent to Parliament and adopted in the interest of peace and reconciliation. A telex message was even sent from the Presidency congratulating Bernard for his patriotic spirit. Today, here we are, Cameroonians, asking for this.

International organisations and NGOs have joined the chorus. We should heed these calls and save our nation from further division. Those who sought refuge in arrogance and repression must certainly realize that this is choking the country.

By Akere Muna

To be continued

Prof.  Willibroad Dze-Ngwa Speaks about the Anglophone problem

Prof. Willibroad Dze-Ngwa
Uni Y'de1

An interview conducted by the post newspaper on the present Anglophone crisis.

Prof Willibroad Dze-Ngwa, a historian, maintains that marginalisation of Anglophones in Cameroon is a burning issue that should be urgently addressed to guarantee peace.

In an exclusive interview with The Post, the Yaounde University I lecturer says any intellectual who claims that the Anglophone problem does not exist is a pseudo-intellectual.

Excerpts:

QUESTION.

The Post: There is the build up to the anniversary of the independence of Southern Cameroons, on Saturday, October 1, and there is always this argument about the Anglophone problem. Some intellectuals say there is no Anglophone problem. What is your take on this?

RESPONSE

Prof. Willibroad Dze-Ngwa: Well, I think it would be foolhardy to say there is no Anglophone problem in the first instance. When we are talking about Anglophone problem, we are talking about a constitutional issue and it is verifiable. It is very much documented and any intellectual who contests the existence of this issue should be a pseudo-intellectual.

Genuine intellectuals have the responsibility to clearly identify problems and provide solutions to, rather than bury their heads under greed and attempt to refuse the existence of a burning crisis in our fatherland, like the Anglophone problem.

QUESTION

What then is the Anglophone problem?

RESPONSE

It is a problem of two people who came together based on well-defined terms, but one is used today as photocopy and another as an authentic Cameroonian in every sense of the word. It is not just an issue of language.

It is an issue of culture, an issue of an educational system, an issue of a legal system, all of these put together which are being trampled upon in total disagreement or disregard of the clauses that brought these two entities together. These two territories of British Southern Cameroons and French Cameroun were autonomous and internationally recognised by the United Nations as separate entities.

Before reunification, they were each well constituted each with a Prime Minister, a Government, a Parliament, a population, a territory and, what have you? These people came together with a determined will to move on as equals in a reunified Cameroon, despite differences in educational systems; legal systems, and so on.

But, today, there is total erosion and breakdown of the basic canons which brought these two people together. An Anglophone is considered in Cameroon today as an afterthought in every sense of the word, no matter what positions they may occupy.

QUESTION

You say it is an educational, legal and constitutional problem; could you cite certain examples so as to elucidate your claims?

RESPONSE

Take a recent issue where we had newly registered students of the University of Yaounde I protesting that the simple orientation to get them register in the university is done in one language, French. There are newspaper articles of disgruntled Anglophone students petitioning the Minister of Higher Education to cancel the entrance examination into the Higher Teacher Training College (ENS) of Maroua, because, the questions were not translated into English.

Worst; the students in Buea were intimidated to submission when they tried to raise their voices. How can we be talking about internal cohesion, yet openly favouring one group of Cameroonians against others? Why should all the questions be in French, whereas they were also English-speaking candidates? When they tried to raise their hands to say we need a paper in English, instead of apologising, the invigilators shouted at them. Today, we talk about “harmonisation” which is a way of assimilating, a way of putting aside all the strong values of the Anglo-Saxon system.

It seems as though, the more people talk about this, the more there is a determination to crush the people. And it is regrettable to see this happening with impunity when we are talking about internal cohesion, when we want to hold back violent extremisms and build peace. I am strongly convinced that in-as-much as there is generalised hardship in Cameroon; the Anglophones have suffered from exaggerated social injustice.

When I say Anglophones, I am referring to those who originate from the Northwest and Southwest Regions of this country, even if they do not speak English. Anyone who refutes the existence of such a glaring problem and would not rather propose lasting solutions to it is simply unpatriotic.

QUESTION

As an academic product of this system, did you have some personal frustrations about what you call the Marginalisation of Anglophones?

RESPONSE

If I started harping on my personal frustrations or challenges, it might not be helping this issue. I rather want to use the challenges to propose long lasting solutions for effective internal cohesion in this country. It was my frustrations in the 90s in this Yaounde University that propelled me to be engaged in peace-building and policy research. Let me say that, prior to my University education, I had always considered myself as a free-born Cameroonian. It was only when I got registered in the University of Yaounde that I knew I was different and overtly treated as such.

I should say that I am one of the first Cameroonians who effectively did research work on the “Anglophone problem in Cameroon: a historical perspective from 1916 to 1995.” That was my Masters Degree dissertation defended some 20 years ago, although some top varsity dons copied portions of my work and published without any intellectual honesty of ever citing me and my work. Somewhere along the line and with keen determination to promote internal cohesion, concord and harmony among the diverse peoples of Cameroon, I moved on to do another work for a PhD “National Unity and National Integration in Cameroon: Dreams and Realities”.

This second work highlights not only the Anglophone problem which is a burning national issue, but some other crises and conflicts which need to be handled. Yes, I have suffered from enormous rejection and discrimination, because of the language I speak.

If you insist to have one: I was the only lecturer in the Department of History who had no office, not even a chair to sit on, six years after I was recruited. The paradox is that even my position as President of all African Researchers in comparative education and member of the publications standing committee of the World Council of Education, did not change anything.

Even when I organised an international conference which brought honour to my University, I had to be too busy so as not to take my foreign colleagues to my office, of course, because I had no office.

Like I said, my challenges rather propelled me into what I like doing best, peace-building in order to make a contribution in correcting the wrongs through research and publications.

QUESTION

Any other example?

RESPONSE

Anglophones generally suffer from same frustrations everywhere; although some pretend to be fine in public, but complain bitterly in private against the status quo. That is simply cowardice, hypocrisy and being unpatriotic.

Take another glaring example of sheer bad faith and outright discrimination of Anglophones in the University of Yaounde I.

Its administration, for the very first time since its creation, does not reflect the bilingual nature of the country.

All the top administrative positions in that university, from the rector, three vice rectors, directors, are all Francophones. Even if you look at the Deanery of the Faculty of Arts, you’ll see that the Dean and all the Vice Deans are all Francophones.

Does this mean that, for the past several years, there is no Anglophone Cameroonian who is competent enough to even assume any of these positions? In the yesteryears, the Anglophones always had a Vice Rector or a Rector or Dean or Vice Dean, but the more we talk now, the more our listeners become deaf and dumb.

In the Bamenda University, more than half of those who assume the top positions are Francophones who do not even master the Anglo-Saxon management principles and, of course, make Bamenda University a shadow of an Anglo-Saxon University.

QUESTION

What is your opinion about the SCNC?

RESPONSE

I think like disgruntled people all over the world, they are using what they have to attract attention. It is important that they should be listened to. They are not a bunch of stupid, mad people who have nothing to do. They are Cameroonians who are genuinely asking to be recognised as such. The Government is aware of what these people are clamouring for.

If you say the SCNC is asking for secession, I would ask you this question: Who are the SCNC? The SCNC, I should say with all fairness, whether people like it or not, are all Cameroonians who come from the Northwest and Southwest Regions, whether they identify themselves with it or not.

This view is historical, because, SCNC stems from the AAC I and AAC II (All Anglophone Conferences) which held in Buea and Bamenda, respectively). It was because the resolutions and constitutional proposals made during these conferences were not respected that pushed them to extreme views.

I am not comfortable with any extreme tendencies from any party whosoever. We have two extreme tendencies: the Government of the day is exercising extreme tendencies by not making enough efforts to dialogue with the SCNC, the SCNC, on the other hand, are at another extreme. These two extremist positions could be bridged through social dialogue. I am convinced that there is no crisis that cannot be resolved among Cameroonians, if there is political will.

You talked about values; it looks like you are going back to the apron strings of the colonial masters to articulate the Anglophone problem, because we are talking about values that are coming from the UK and France?

I don’t want to look at it solely from the strings of the colonial legacies. I am talking about a people considered today as those from the Northwest and Southwest Regions. History has shown that the people who come from these regions, irrespective of the language they speak, have been marginalised beyond reason.

Truly, they are not the only marginalised people in Cameroon, but the English language and geography has been the main determinant of their plight. We should not shy away from the colonial heritage, for it is because of the colonial values that we inherited that the people are differentiated.

I think it is nonsense, in my appreciation, to think that we have gone a long way so we can forget about our colonial past. Why should one group forget about their colonial past while another upholds and imposes its own on the others? This is assimilation, pure and simple.

QUESTION

One politician likened secession in this context to a grown up adult going back to the mother’s womb?

RESPONSE

Well, we want to remain academic and I think that in academics we want to discuss issues based on facts and figures. We can play politics but it is dangerous to continuously play politics over the lives of a disgruntled people. We absolutely want a situation where there should be a national dialogue on this issue because there are many things which are not going right.

Sometimes when I watch political programmes over the television, I see the representative of the MDC party always struggling to address the Anglophones in some language which is everything, but English.

Listen to some informative micro programmes on radio from some ministerial departments like the Ministry of Scientific Research and Innovations, the Ministry of Basic Education, just to name a few.

You get Francophones presenting important information meant for the Anglophone public in some language between pidgin, English and French. The question is; are there no Anglophones in these various ministries who can speak and articulate the policies of these ministries in the English language? You can, as well, listen to the programmes.

QUESTION

Those who are refusing to heed the call for dialogue with the SCNC say Southern Cameroons was never an independent State before the process of reunification began, that the Anglophone problem can never be a problem of the statehood of Southern Cameroons…?

RESPONSE

These people are right and wrong. They are right when they say Southern Cameroons was not an independent State before the process of reunification. They are equally right when they recognise that the Anglophone problem exists. The issue now is how to deal with a problem that we created through bad faith, constitutional manipulation and intimidation. Even the terms upon which reunification was based have never been respected.

Well, when we start arguing with glaring blindness, we are like saying ‘do what you want to do’. When a dissatisfied people are pushed to the wall, we should expect what the SCNC are doing and we should expect extremist tendencies.

Every crying child needs some attention. Like in my other research and recommendations, I will never stop calling on authorities and SCNC activists to look for a middle point. I know there are some top-notch Anglophones who, in public, pretend to challenge and want to deny the existence of this problem, but in private will give you tons of documents and grievances to justify the Anglophone problem.

Many Francophones understand the problem and articulate it very well. May be I should pay homage to this huge fallen hero, Saidou Sule, who manifested exemplary patriotism in tackling this issue, although from the Bamoun Kingdom.

I don’t think that there is any politician in Cameroon who is genuinely interested in the Anglophone problem which, I think, is worst than Boko Haram. It should not be allowed to degenerate.

QUESTION

As a peace crusader and political scientist, if you are given the opportunity to talk to the President about this Anglophone problem, what will you tell him?

RESPONSE

I will tell the President and all patriotic Cameroonians that many errors have been committed and to rectify the errors is not a sign of weakness. It is rather a sign of wisdom and inclusiveness.

I’ll call on the President of the Republic to realise that the Anglophone problem is truly a burden and that there should be social justice in terms of power positioning, representation in governance, respecting the cultural heritage of these people, in terms of developmental projects for this country, in terms of usage of the language itself.

The President should be a true unifying factor. Cameroonians look up to the Head of State and if he takes a decision in the right direction, it is going to trickle down to the greatest majority. Talking about the language, I expect the President to come out from the Unity Palace, I want to insist on the word Unity Palace and speak to Cameroonians in English and French.

We need a national dialogue to tackle the Anglophone problem and other burning issues in the country like corruption, unemployment, negative ethnicity, insecurity, among others.

QUESTION

What advice do you have for SCNC activists who are being arrested every day, bastardised, locked up and tortured because they are fighting for this course?

RESPONSE

I would rather advise all the stakeholders in this business: the SCNC activities, the government and the international community. To the activists, I will strongly advise them to steer clear from any extremist tendencies and hold tight to their philosophy of the force of argument and not the argument of force, but then, I fully understand that they want to make their voices heard.

To the Government and leadership of this country, including all politicians, I will remind them that this problem will not end soon if it is not tackled from the roots. Cameroonians should feel Cameroonians no matter where they come from. We need genuine dialogue before it is too late.

I call on all politicians, especially the politicians who originate from the Anglophone Regions to hold this problem as one major issue to articulate because, if not, we are going to have a replay of the same scenario for long.

I think the lawyers are doing a great job by deciding to use facts and figures to defend a course and a people. I have only one country, Cameroon; we must all weave and plant seeds of peace based on social justice.

Interviewed By Yerima Kini Nsom

Tolerance

The Cambridge University Dictionary defines tolerance as the "willingness to accept behaviour and beliefs that are different from your own, although you might not agree with or approve of them". In other words, it means accepting that others can hold opinions, beliefs and positions different from yours without necessarily becoming your enemies whatsoever. Other authors however add flesh to this understanding, such as Catherine Pulsifer who notes that; "Tolerance is the ability to forgive those who tend to speak before thinking", and Robert Green Ingersoll who thinks; "Tolerance is giving to every other human being every right that you claim for yourself".

As the people of Southern Cameroons wherever they may be continue to ponder on what the future holds for them, it is important to inculcate the idea that the territory is made up of several ethnic groups and thus a lot of cultures and ways of reasoning. This means the people of the grass field will definitely think and behave differently from the people of the forest zone, same thing with those of the coastal areas. Some may be smart and quick to action, while others are slow and take a lot of time to get reasoning and then deciding whether to take action or not. At the same time, you will have people who are generally fearful of everything and like to keep things as they are, while there are courageous and brave people willing to take risks to ensure that things get to where they ought to or at least somewhere nearer to it. Of course, there are those who will want things to go all the way, whatever it takes. All these different ways of reasoning must be accommodated as all are useful and the only way to make these divergent views beneficial is through tolerance.

Differences in thoughts and ways of looking at things have left so many people involved in the Southern Cameroons resistance restless, angry, dispirited and overly discouraged. It has pushed a lot others to believe that the struggle is being confiscated by a few, while flames of discord such as the North West and South West divide occasionally rear their ugly heads mainly because people tend to be unwilling to recognize that diversity makes sense only where there is compromise. Hear Robert Alan Silverstein; "The human family is very diverse, with many different beliefs and cultures and ways of life. Many conflicts in our world are caused when people are intolerant of the ways that others see the world. Learning tolerance is an important cornerstone to creating a better world".

There is a current which has too often been anxious to say the people of the South West are less committed, that is when some do not outright tag them sellouts or pretenders, while at the same time those from the North West are accused of appropriating for themselves all the front line positions, possibly standing where they shall be able to tap every gain when the time comes, whereas the struggle should be fought equitably and all facets represented in an egalitarian manner at all levels. There shall never be any mathematical formula to solve such a problem apart from the introduction of the spirit of tolerance which is rooted in reason. That is why George Eliot says; "The responsibility of tolerance lies with those who have the wider vision", a pattern corroborated by Malcolm X when he says; "Don't be in a hurry to condemn because he doesn't do what you do or think as you think or as fast. There was a time when you didn't know what you know today".

The other day I listened to an audio in which the author raised hell that activists from the North West were diabolizing those from the South West and making them look like the devil while at the same time giving the impression those from the highlands were saints. He painted a picture of releases and articles which according to him would only sour the pudding. This means if anyone commits acts that stand on the way of progress, they should not be condemned because any moves to discredit the acts could be looked at through ethnic or tribal lenses- we are one and must without mincing words denounce wrongdoings in a constructive manner without fear or fervour, otherwise we would not have Innocent Chia taking it on Tassang Wilfred because they both are from up country. Reacting to criticisms through the ethnic prism shall only breed unnecessary suspicions to the glory of the enemy and lead to the weakening of the struggle. That is why Annabelle Higgins says; "By standing on top of your reactions you will be able to develop patience and tolerance; two distinct traits required for achieving long term success". This line of thought is also bought by Brian Cagneey who opines that; "In order to achieve great things, you must stretch your beliefs, your efforts and your tolerance. You will have to face new situations with an open mind, eager to reach your destiny". This is why I like and subscribe to Bill Maher's stance when he quips that; "Don't get so tolerant that you tolerate intolerance", we must remain focused and set the same standards for everyone regardless of where they come from.

Another sticky point in this struggle is the gulf that exists between federalists and those who stand for restoration of the statehood of the Southern Cameroons. Here dissention is almost seen as treachery and nowadays being a federalist is very easily a crime, just like being independentist and the battle line is quite visible. Federalists call restoration diehards war mongers, armchair generals, android sellers of illusions and much more, accusing them of treading a path can never be realistic and wishing to break family ties knotted over years between citizens of La République du Cameroun and those of Southern Cameroons through marriage bonds as if the mere fact of Cameroonians marrying Europeans or partners from other parts of the world means the nations must become bound together to keep the unions alive. In all this, Yaounde has yet to take a position and so again tolerance will warrant that we borrow a leaf from one-time US President Franklin D. Roosevelt when he says; "If civilization is to survive, we must cultivate the science of human relationships, the ability of all peoples, of all kinds, to live together, in the same world at peace".

Wisdom requires that we take time to acknowledge the fact that if a profound gulf separates my neighbour's belief from mine, there is always the golden bridge of tolerance to bring us back to the table of reason. This struggle concerns the lives and wellbeing of some 7 million people and those involved have beliefs and aspirations they hold close their hearts. To forge ahead from our diverse backgrounds, we must therefore congregate in the light of John F. Kennedy's thought that; "Tolerance implies no lack of commitment to one's own beliefs. Rather it condemns the oppression or persecution of others". Timothy Keller clarifies Kennedy's point further by adding that; "Tolerance isn't about not having beliefs. It's about how your beliefs lead you to treat who disagree with you".

Yaounde has disagreed with a lot of us how the State can be re-organized to accommodate everyone with their sets of beliefs and traditions as well as cultural backgrounds. In disagreement and disapproval, Yaounde has unleashed terror and not counter arguments, using the law to create fear, panic and confusion which finally turned into resistance and complicated the situation. Had the authorities listened to Albert Einstein's view that; "Laws alone cannot secure freedom of expression; in order that every man present his views without penalty, there must be spirit of tolerance in the entire population", they would have favoured healthy debates and brought their entire armada to present convincing views to woo rather than terrorize people. Today, those involved in this struggle run the risk of emulating government if they continue imagining in their heads and minds that they alone hold the monopoly of know-how and that if an idea did not come from them it is bad.

Let us embrace the doctrine of the Dalai Lama that; "Our prime purpose in this life is to help others. And if you can't help them, at least don't hurt them". We have to help each other in multifarious ways to realize the dream of the people of Southern Cameroons; if you can't do it by yourself, by all means assist those with the will and determination to do it for the benefit of all. Let us thus go home with this enunciation by Paulo Coelho; "Tolerance and compassion are qualities of fearless people". Let us endeavour to give our people the best without destroying each other and without breaking hearts and homes unnecessarily with unfounded and aimless accusations.

By John Mbah Akuroh

Source:http://cameroon-concord.com/boko-haram/8378-southern-cameroons-question-tolerance-holds-the-key-to-unity-success. 

Cameroon's Fighting Words Are in English

Cameroon's English-speaking community, about 20 percent of the population, is at odds with the majority of Cameroonians who speak French, the country's official language. The dispute is political: Yaounde, Cameroon's capital, shut off internet to the country's English-speaking regions for 93 days before restoring it April 20. Though the resumption of internet service could be viewed as a step forward, the Anglophone crisis, as the conflict has become known, underscores inherent divisions in Cameroon — ones that can't be resolved with the flick of a switch.

Cameroon's history is particular: It became a German colony in 1885 with the signing of the Berlin Treaty, which carved Africa into zones of influence for European powers. The territory on the Western coast facing the Gulf of Guinea and that stretched up into modern-day Chad and the Central African Republic became known as "Kamerun" and was initially subject to German influence. But in 1919, following Germany's defeat in World War I, the region was handed over to British and French authorities. The regions known as the Southern Cameroons and the Northern Cameroons were given to London; the rest went to Paris. The British, who controlled neighboring Nigeria, and the French, who already controlled the majority of what would eventually become Cameroon, were expanding their reach throughout Central Africa.

Changing Maps of  Cameroon

German influence — language, culture and legal norms — were erased in the new "Cameroons" under British mandate. (German architecture, however, is still evident.) The English language and British cultural and legal norms took root just as French culture spread throughout the much larger territory it controlled.

The Independence Fight

When a wave of independence movements hit sub-Saharan Africa in the 1950s and 1960s, the colonial projects and geostrategic aims of the British and French diverged greatly. Great Britain was relatively amenable to African independence movements, for example acceding to Ghana's independence in 1957. France, in contrast, considered continued control of its African colonial possessions as crucial to its status as a "great power."

Cameroon was vital to maintaining France's larger African empire for several reasons. First, French colonists in the territory owned the resource-rich land and had control of the production of numerous profitable resources including coffee, bananas, palm oil, aluminum and lumber. More critically, Cameroon's position — and namely the Port of Douala — had become vital to France's control and supply of the northern parts of France's Central African territory (including modern-day Chad and the Central African Republic), which since World War II had been strategically critical for protecting France's northern holdings.

France's ambition to hold onto Cameroon clashed violently with growing nationalist sentiment in the territory. In the 1950s and into the 1960s, France waged a brutal and mostly clandestine war against these independence-minded groups, most notably the Union of the Peoples of Cameroon (UPC). The fight was similar to the one waged more openly in Algeria. Great Britain, on the other hand, began to detach from its colonies in the hopes of fostering good relations with the burgeoning states. Yet even as France tried desperately to cling to its empire, events elsewhere — most notably the vote of Guinea-Conakry for full independence — effectively killed France's ambitions to keep control of its colonies, forcing it to eventually grant independence to many of its territorial holdings. However, as France lost its absolute authority, it crafted an alternate system of control that effectively tempered the independence of these countries. In the case of Cameroon, as elsewhere, France empowered malleable local elites to continue with favorable policies and to crack down on dissent in exchange for security and other forms of support.

Consequently, the Republic of Cameroon — which comprised France's Cameroon mandate — was born in 1960, led by Ahmadou Ahidjo, a Muslim and northern politician who in Paris' esteem was the "least worst option." Right away, the new republic was forced to focus on quelling nationalist forces that were still pushing to cut all ties with the colonialists. This gave birth to a robust internal security structure to clamp down on dissent.

A year later, Britain gave Northern Cameroons and Southern Cameroons the choice of joining either the newly independent Nigeria or Cameroon. No option for outright independence was given, a violation of the U.N. mandate statute and a choice that that many in the regions believed should have been offered. The desire for an independence option, however, clashed with Great Britain's postcolonial state-building policy, which stressed the need for Cameroon's British territories to join the independent Federation of Nigeria to strengthen it.

The results of the 1961 plebiscite did not conform to Great Britain's aims: While the Northern Cameroons voted to join Nigeria, the Southern Cameroons decided to join the new Republic of Cameroon. While surprising that an Anglophone territory would willingly join a much larger Francophone one, the result was due to two reasons. First, Ahidjo made attractive promises of regional autonomy within Cameroon. Second, residents feared that their region would be dominated by others if they were to join Nigeria. Indeed, this proved a massive issue for Nigeria for decades to come as ethnic groups and regions battled it out for domination of the state, sparking coups and countercoups. Thus, in 1961 the Republic of Cameroon transformed into the Federal Republic of Cameroon to denote the joining of Southern Cameroons and a devolution of power to the regions.

Unfulfilled Promises

Ahidjo's promises for greater autonomy for the regions within Cameroon went largely unfulfilled. In fact, with French support, Ahidjo became increasingly authoritarian, backed by an invasive security apparatus determined to eliminate political opposition. (In 1966, all parties other than the president's were banned.) In 1972, the president scrapped the Federal Republic of Cameroon, replacing it with a united state called the United Republic of Cameroon, causing a stir in Anglophone Cameroon that was eventually suppressed. Meanwhile, British engagement with its former mandate all but dried up, and Great Britain chose to instead focus its attention and resources on nurturing its relations with Nigeria and its other former possessions rather than continue to engage with an entity that had essentially chosen to join France's African sphere of influence. 

In 1982, Ahidjo stepped down as president for health reasons, empowering his vice president, Paul Biya, a Christian from the South, who remains in power. The power transfer quickly sparked tension as Biya sought to redirect power and patronage from Ahidjo's supporters in the north to his own, precipitating a 1984 coup attempt that failed. Though there was temporary hope that Biya would redress the grievances that stemmed from his predecessor's authoritarian era, the slow liberalization of the government in Yaounde — which included a period of "controlled multipartyism" — has changed little.

Yaounde's struggle to manage Cameroon's various divisions — and its emphasis on centralization and control — has inevitably caused resentment within its Anglophone regions, in which British culture is still dominant. Anglophone Cameroon has fought to maintain certain legal and educational practices and has pushed against Yaounde's centralization and "Frenchification."

In October 2016, Anglophone lawyers, tired of dealing with Francophone judges sent by Yaounde who rarely understood English or Common Law, went on strike. A month later, Anglophone teachers joined the strike, citing concerns of a "Frenchification of the Anglo-Saxon education system." From then on, a more general strike in the Anglophone regions broke out, and calls for secession increased. At this point, Yaounde went from being mostly indifferent to the strike to being openly hostile, fearful as it was of spreading secessionist sentiment. Soon, it arrested dozens of supposed Anglophone leaders and shut down the internet in the region to suppress communication and halt the organization of protests.

After more than three months offline, causing local economic losses of more than $3 million, internet was restored following international pressure on the Biya administration. Yet this was only a small step forward, and the conflict endures. Schools in Anglophone Cameroon have been shuttered for more than 7 months. For Yaounde to fully resolve the Anglophone crisis, it will need to negotiate in good faith with Anglophone leaders, release the ones who are in custody and consider their grievances.

There is the possibility that the Anglophone region lacks the power to be able to pressure the government into giving it sufficient concessions to appease it. However, the recent strikes and rioting did jolt the government into action, and it may be willing to cut a deal to end the unrest. Yet one key element of this will almost certainly be the increased autonomy that the populations of the Anglophone regions generally demand. This runs contrary to the political evolution of Cameroon, which has struggled to decentralize authority. In addition, Biya, who is 84, has increasingly spent an increasing amount of time abroad in the past year, likely as a result of health complications. It is possible that Yaounde could become even more inwardly focused in the months or years ahead should the conversation suddenly turn to presidential succession, leaving the Anglophone crisis on the back burner and inevitably inviting another round of strikes, unrest and secessionist demands.

The Anglophone crisis is the result of Cameroon's distinct colonial heritage and its struggle to manage its inherent diversity. However, overcoming these inherent challenges is paramount if Cameroon hopes to foster a more stable political system. In addition, the manner in which the crisis is settled may influence the many other potential African secessionist movements across the continent.

Source: https://worldview.stratfor.com/article/cameroons-fighting-words-are-english