Crisis Resolution in Cameroon. 

First Sight, Second Thought

Common Law Lawyers in Bamenda

The practice of crisis “resolution” is an art and as well as a science that can be used as a tool to bring major positive changes in political, social, and economic systems. The present case of the “Anglophone Crises” in Cameroon is an opportunity to analyse the failures of the regime in resolving this historical problem. Crisis resolution means terminating conflict/crisis with an outcome that, in the view of the parties involved, is a permanent solution to the problem. Crisis resolution, as opposed to crisis “management” or “settlement,” requires methods that get to the root of problems and, therefore, are highly analytical, historical and consensual. It is a broad base spectrum approach aimed at eliminating the root causes.

Cameroon is going through one of its deepest political crisis since its independence. Immediately the federal structure of Cameroon was abolished in 1972, Cameroon has seen some momentary crisis that have oft been quelled down by the government. But this time, a strike action that was initiated by Lawyers and supported by teachers quickly gained patronage from the people of Anglophone Cameroon (Southern Cameroon) and soon became a political movement. A simple corporatist demands had rapidly spiralled into a political demand by a people calling for a return to a 2 state federation. The government’s response was symptomatic of the regime and that only helped in radicalising the people and pushing them to call for a complete restoration.

The government had cosmetically design some dialogue with the leaders of the Anglophone problem who had come under an umbrella of the Cameroon Anglophone Civil Society Consortium. But no common ground was reached and they were subsequently arrested or chased into exile. There was also some smokescreen dialogue that was initiated by the prime minister through an ad hoc committee. But this committee lacked the legitimacy and authority to heed to the demands of the Anglophone Leaders.  On the agenda of the leaders was an unconditional return to a 2 state federation. A subject regarded to by the government as a Taboo.

It is worth mentioning that, the demand for a return to federation is not new from Anglophones.  One of the major resolutions of the 1993 All Anglophone Conference in Buea (AACI) was a return to a two state federation as defined by the 1961 constitution. But the regime decided to play foul by diluting this request with decentralisation. Except that, for 21 years (1996-2017), the dispositions of decentralisation in the constitution are yet to see the light of day. 

Newspaper Caption of 1993 after AAC

Half Measure.

If there is anything British Southern Cameroons have been accustomed to, it is the paltry solution approach of the regime. Hardly can one remember of a solution worth its weight on any national issue. Their modus operandi has always been first to deny the problem, then try a divide and rule tactic through tribal appointments and then give some half backed solutions that may at best only postpone the problem. The situation today calls for profound solutions to avert the impending explosion. It is either people are shot, buildings/markets are burnt, indiscriminate and massive arrest, intimidations and incomprehensible court adjournments. Two major decisions have been arrived at lately by the regime as a response to the Anglophone problem.

 The National Commission on the Promotion of Bilingualism and Multiculturalism.

Some of the goals of this provocative commission are to study and propose to the head of state solutions towards the promotion of Bilingualism and Multiculturalism. A patronising directive designed to fail as the creators of the commission had on several occasions refused that there is no Bilingualism problem in Cameroon. And even so, Anglophones had never asked for another budget sucking institution that has no power to regulate, sanction or enforce. Be it as it may, even if the commission was to be important, the following shortcomings defeats its essence.

Parity: 

If Cameroon is said to be a bilingual country with both English and French on the same pedestals, how come a commission to promote bilingualism has more French representatives (9) than English (6). Is this not the very origin of the Anglophone problem? For a country that wants to repair the agony it has meted on the Anglophones, it was but logical to have at least parity or understandably more English Cameroonians than Francophones. Worst still, the vice president of the commission promises to learn English in order to promote bilingualism.

Competence and moral standing: 

Article 3 of the presidential decree appointing members of this commission says, these people shall be of a good moral standing void of any public reproach. But we are aware of the xenophobic tendencies of Musonge (Commission president), Amah Tutu Muna’s entrenched failures at the ministry of culture and the financial issues raised against Afessi Mbafor (National Youth Council President). Would we not be having another Esseka type commission? Time will tell.

Creation or Addition of Common law to ENAM and Supreme Court

The attempted solutions to the Common Law Lawyers’ issues which the minister of justice and keeper of the seal (Laurent Esso) presented during his press conference on March 31^st 2017, ended up exposing him rather than doing well to his sickening administration. This press conference exposed the falsehood, intellectual dishonesty and arrogance of the regime. Otherwise, how can we jail people who propose solution and code name them “Terrorist”?

This is one of the greatest paradox yet to come from a regime that seems all over the place and totally confused. Before the announced creation of the common law department at ENAM and Common law Bench at the Supreme Court, the present Justice Minister had vehemently refused that there was never a problem with the Bi-Jural system of Cameroon. He had termed the leaders of the common law lawyers association as terrorist. Agbor Balla is still incarcerated in Yaoundé, while Elias Eyembe and Bogba Harmony are all on the run. Yet what they stood for has been shamelessly given today as a gift from the head of state. After bald-facedly twisting and manipulating public opinion to thinking that Common Law Lawyers were asking for a mere translation of the Uniform Act of Business Law (OHADA). It became born on him and the regime that, this might be another magical solution. But again, it’s a little too late and inconsequential. 

Anglophone crisis in Cameroon

One of the long-standing erroneous notion we have noticed in the past 56 years is that, conflict originates from the “natural aggressiveness” of Southern Cameroonians who do not behave in a “Republican” or “civilised” manner. This “natural aggressiveness,” however, is nothing more than a label. It reflects an attitude that attributes conflict to instinct, immorality, or deliberate anti-social behaviour, thus justifying its repression. This “theory” cannot explain historically how Anglophones have been systematically brutalised, killed, maimed and forced into exile for raising a finger in their country. Recently, we saw protesting teachers in Yaoundé, invited into a well air-conditioned office, offered snacks to discuss their plight. But we can also remember that Lawyers in Bamenda and Buea, in their wigs and robes, were beaten and rubbed in mud. The same thing happened to UB students who were even shouting “No Violence”, yet our forces still had the effrontery to attack them, tear gas them, break into student hostels, throw them into dirty water from toilet tanks, kitchen sewage etc. 

Striking teachers in Yaounde and striking lawyers in Buea

In Bamenda on December 8^th and a week later in Kumba, some unarmed Cameroonians where killed with no justification. The same can be recalled in 1990, when the SDF was lunched in Bamenda. This double standard treatment opens up avenues for many questions.

My Conclusion

Values and human needs are universal and are not for trading. Sufficient coercion on the one side and the lack of bargaining power on the other can sometimes lead to suspicion and impede dialogue. The tendency to offer appeasement deals, but not to its full resolution can only procrastinate the problem. Intimidation through summons, arrests, torture and the brutal use of force, do not necessarily solve the problem. A constitutional assembly needs to be convened where Cameroonians of equal status (West-East) would sit down and define the type of Cameroon the want to live in. Creating a Common Law Department in ENAM doesn’t guarantee that the students admitted there will be from Southern Cameroons. It may end up being the same game where Students admitted there would be from East Cameroon and will be later sent to occupy West Cameroon. We are all aware that the Higher Technical Teachers Training Colleges in Bambili and Kumba, have more students from East Cameroon than West Cameroon irrespective of the extreme shortage of such teachers from west Cameroon. 

The people of the NW and SW (Southern Cameroonians) need a system that protects and preserve their identity, recognition of their specificity, and that offers opportunities for its people and promote accountable leadership and participative development. We expect the government to stop the collective punishment imposed on the people of the Northwest and Southwest. Restore internet, release all in jail and offer amnesty to those on the run, demilitarise all the towns of Northwest and Southwest, bring order and stop the burning of houses and markets (Becoming a norm) then reopen national inclusive dialogue with the peoples representatives. A stitch in time, saves nine. The delayed tactics approach may not in every case yield the desired results. Court adjournments and deliberate delays, may not be enough to break the peoples resolve.